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For generations, Texans have shaped the direction of politics and policymaking on the national stage, raising presidents, House speakers, cabinet members and scores of lawmakers who became dominant figures in Washington.
That clout has atrophied over the last several years, however, and the trend appears likely to continue next year when Donald Trump returns to the White House and the next Congress is sworn in.
On paper, Texas seems poised to flex its political muscle, sending more Republicans to Congress than any other state after an election where the GOP gained control of both chambers. And some of Texas' most prominent elected officials, including Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and Attorney General Ken Paxton, are close allies of the president-elect.
But so far, Trump has looked elsewhere for his earliest cabinet and high-level staff appointments, in some cases passing over Texans who were in the mix. He has tapped several allies from Florida for top-shelf positions, including secretary of state and attorney general, establishing his home state as the epicenter of Republican politics and Trumpworld. Texas, with fewer direct ties to Trump’s orbit, has seen only one major appointment: John Ratcliffe, the former Texas congressman who is Trump’s pick for CIA director.
That’s in contrast to his first term where Texans occupied a number of high-profile roles, including former Gov. Rick Perry, who led the U.S. Energy Department, and Rex Tillerson, a Texas energy executive who was Trump’s first secretary of state.
In Congress, the 25 Republicans who will represent Texas in the U.S. House next year could see their clout diminish with the loss of key chairmanships and a dearth of long-tenured Texans in line to replace them. U.S. Rep. Michael McCaul is giving up the influential House Foreign Affairs Committee gavel after hitting the GOP’s term limit policy, and two of the delegation’s longest-serving Republicans — Reps. Kay Granger and Michael Burgess — are retiring and ceding control of powerful committee posts.
And after years of climbing the Senate GOP ranks, U.S. Sen. John Cornyn came up short last week in his bid to become the next Senate majority leader, leaving an uncertain path for the longtime Texas lawmaker who has spent years serving in leadership roles.
At stake are enormous amounts of political power, with some committee leaders controlling the flow of federal dollars — allowing them to direct more money and resources to their states — and others helping decide the fate of key policy debates, said Jeremi Suri, a history professor at the University of Texas at Austin.
“It's super important who has committee chairs and who is Senate majority leader and various other positions, because those roles allow you to set the agenda in the legislature,” Suri said. “That means that your priorities become the priorities for the party and for Congress.”
As for Trump’s Florida-centric appointments, and Texas’ lack of cabinet representation, Southern Methodist University political science professor Matthew Wilson said the trend is largely a reflection of Trump’s ties to his home state and his desire to hire loyal and familiar faces.
“I think it's largely driven by personalities,” he said. “There have not been as many Texans as there have been Floridians in Trump's inner circle. Since Trump does seem to put such a premium on loyalty and personal relationships, that means that the Florida folks were more natural picks.”
The biggest bombshell so far has been Trump’s announcement that he would nominate former northwest Florida representative Matt Gaetz to serve as attorney general. The hardline conservative provocateur, seen as a staunch Trump loyalist, was the subject of a sex trafficking investigation that did not lead to criminal charges. He is a divisive figure among fellow Republicans, some of whom expressed skepticism that Gaetz could win confirmation in a Senate where Republicans are likely to hold 53 seats.
Paxton, a close ally of Trump, was seen as a top contender for the post. In May, Trump told reporters that he would consider Paxton for the job and called him a “very, very talented guy.”
After Trump announced his selection, Paxton praised Gaetz, writing on social media there are “few people I trust more to take on the deep state and end the weaponization of the justice department.” But if Gaetz’s nomination falls through, Paxton could be on the shortlist as the next man up.
Trump also opted for a Floridian for his chief of staff, picking Susie Wiles, his campaign manager and top political aide, over Brooke Rollins, a former aide to Perry and ex-chief of the Texas Public Policy Foundation, the influential conservative think tank. Rollins, who was widely reported to be a serious contender for the chief of staff role, is still expected to serve in some capacity in Trump’s administration, CNN has reported.
Patrick, who thrice chaired Trump's campaign in Texas, has also long been rumored as a possible Trump cabinet appointee. But the lieutenant governor, who will turn 75 next year, put the speculation to bed shortly after the election, saying that “while it would be an honor to serve in President Trump’s cabinet, I am staying in Texas.”
Trump also has yet to call on Gov. Greg Abbott to join his administration, and is unlikely to do so having already announced his picks for the two posts — secretary of state and attorney general — to which Abbott was most frequently connected. Abbott, who Trump touted as a possible selection for vice president earlier this year, has said he wants to stay in Texas and run for reelection in 2026.
But there are still many positions up for grabs. And among the remaining Texan contenders is state Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller, an early and loyal Trump supporter who told the Tribune that, before Trump’s 2020 loss, he was in early talks to lead the U.S. Department of Agriculture. Reports have emerged linking Miller to the job leading the wide-ranging agency, which oversees food stamp allocations and scores of other programs.
Congress
Beyond the Trump administration, Texas is facing the continued loss of stature in Congress. The state’s GOP delegation has seen most of its longest serving members retire since the 2018 midterm cycle, a steady drain of tenure that has cost the state key committee positions in the seniority-focused House.
Of the 25 Republicans who will represent Texas in the lower chamber next year, just six predate Trump’s first term, which began in 2017.
Also driving the trend is the GOP’s rule capping how long members can serve in leadership posts. The term limit is aimed at opening up chair positions to more members of the party, but it has also led to the recent loss of several Texas-controlled chairmanships.
There are some notable exceptions: U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz is in line to head the Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee, where he is currently the top Republican. The panel oversees a number of key White House appointments and a huge range of industries and agencies, including the broadly interpreted category of interstate commerce.
U.S. Rep. August Pfluger, R-San Angelo, also picked up a high-profile assignment last week when he was elected to chair the Republican Study Committee, a key driver of GOP policy and a post that has been a waystation for other House Republicans on their way to bigger leadership roles.
Additionally, Trump has tapped billionaire Texas transplant Elon Musk to lead a government-slashing pseudo-agency called the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, though the scope of Musk’s power is unclear.
As for Cornyn, the majority leader defeat is a stinging blow after he spent years working toward the role, which, under the Senate’s new GOP majority, would have allowed him to set the agenda for the chamber and serve as a top legislative partner for the incoming Trump administration. Cornyn had openly signaled his interest in the leader position for years, and he previously served as Republican whip and led GOP campaign efforts as chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee.
Wilson said Cornyn’s loss does not exactly consign him to the political wilderness, however.
“He's someone that a lot of, particularly the less MAGA senators, look to for guidance and leadership,” Wilson said. “So he will have, informally, I think, a fairly significant role.”
Disclosure: Southern Methodist University, Texas Public Policy Foundation and University of Texas at Austin have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.